Rousseau in 1753, by Maurice Quentin de La Tour
28 June 1712|
Geneva, Republic of Geneva
|Died||2 July 1778
|School||Social contract theory
|Political philosophy, music, education, literature, autobiography|
|General will, Amour de soi, Amour-propre, moral simplicity of humanity, child-centered learning, civil religion, popular sovereignty, positive liberty|
Jean-Jacques Rousseau (//;1 French: [ʒɑ̃ʒak ʁuso]; 28 June 1712 – 2 July 1778) was a Genevan philosopher, writer, and composer of the 18th century. His political philosophy influenced the Enlightenment in France and across Europe, as well as aspects of the French Revolution and the overall development of modern political and educational thought.
Rousseau's novel Emile, or On Education is a treatise on the education of the whole person for citizenship. His sentimental novel Julie, or the New Heloise was of importance to the development of pre-romanticism2 and romanticism in fiction.3 Rousseau's autobiographical writings — his Confessions, which initiated the modern autobiography, and his Reveries of a Solitary Walker — exemplified the late 18th-century movement known as the Age of Sensibility, and featured an increased focus on subjectivity and introspection that later characterized modern writing. His Discourse on Inequality and The Social Contract are cornerstones in modern political and social thought.
Rousseau was a successful composer of music, who wrote seven operas as well as music in other forms, and made contributions to music as a theorist. As a composer, his music was a blend of the late Baroque style and the emergent Classical fashion, and he belongs to the same generation of transitional composers as Christoph Willibald Gluck and C. P. E. Bach. One of his more well-known works is the one-act opera Le devin du village, containing the duet "Non, Colette n'est point trompeuse" which was later rearranged as a standalone song by Beethoven.4
During the period of the French Revolution, Rousseau was the most popular of the philosophes among members of the Jacobin Club. Rousseau was interred as a national hero in the Panthéon in Paris, in 1794, 16 years after his death.
- 1 Biography
- 2 Philosophy
- 3 Religion
- 4 Legacy
- 5 Major works
- 6 Editions in English
- 7 Online texts
- 8 See also
- 9 Notes
- 10 References
- 11 Bibliography
- 12 External links
Rousseau was born in Geneva, which was at the time a city-state and a Protestant associate of the Swiss Confederacy. Since 1536, Geneva had been a Huguenot republic and the seat of Calvinism. Five generations before Rousseau, his ancestor Didier, a bookseller who may have published Protestant tracts, had escaped persecution from French Catholics by fleeing to Geneva in 1549, where he became a wine merchant.5page needed
Rousseau was proud that his family, of the moyen order (or middle-class), had voting rights in the city. Throughout his life, he generally signed his books "Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Citizen of Geneva".6
Geneva, in theory, was governed democratically by its male voting "citizens". The citizens were a minority of the population when compared to the immigrants, referred to as "inhabitants", whose descendants were called "natives" and continued to lack suffrage. In fact, rather than being run by vote of the "citizens", the city was ruled by a small number of wealthy families that made up the "Council of Two Hundred"; these delegated their power to a twenty-five member executive group from among them called the "Little Council".
There was much political debate within Geneva, extending down to the tradespeople. Much discussion was over the idea of the sovereignty of the people, of which the ruling class oligarchy was making a mockery. In 1707, a democratic reformer named Pierre Fatio protested this situation, saying "a sovereign that never performs an act of sovereignty is an imaginary being".5page needed He was shot by order of the Little Council. Jean-Jacques Rousseau's father, Isaac, was not in the city at this time, but Jean-Jacques’s grandfather supported Fatio and was penalized for it.6
The trade of watchmaking had become a family tradition by the time of Rousseau’s father, Isaac Rousseau. Isaac followed his grandfather, father and brothers into the business, except for a short stint teaching dance as a dance master.5page needed Isaac, notwithstanding his artisan status, was well educated and a lover of music. "A Genevan watchmaker", Rousseau wrote, "is a man who can be introduced anywhere; a Parisian watchmaker is only fit to talk about watches".6 In 1699, Isaac ran into political difficulty by entering a quarrel with visiting English officers, who in response drew their swords and threatened him. After local officials stepped in, it was Isaac who was punished, as Geneva was concerned with maintaining its ties to foreign powers.5page needed
Rousseau's mother, Suzanne Bernard Rousseau, was from an upper-class family. She was raised by her uncle Samuel Bernard, a Calvinist preacher. He cared for Suzanne after her father Jacques (who had run into trouble with the legal and religious authorities for fornication and having a mistress) died in his early thirties.5page needed In 1695, Suzanne had to answer charges that she had attended a street theater disguised as a peasant woman so she could gaze upon M. Vincent Sarrasin, whom she fancied despite his continuing marriage. After a hearing, she was ordered by the Genevan Consistory to never interact with him again.5page needed She married Rousseau's father at the age of 31. Isaac's sister had married Suzanne's brother eight years earlier, after she had become pregnant and they had been chastised by the Consistory. The child died at birth. Later, the young Rousseau was told a romantic fairy-tale about the situation by the adults in his family — a tale where young love was denied by a disapproving patriarch but that prevailed by sibling loyalty that, in the story, resulted in love conquering all and two marriages uniting the families on the same day. Rousseau never learnt the truth.5page needed
Rousseau was born on 28 June 1712, and he would later relate: "I was born almost dying, they had little hope of saving me".5page needed He was baptized on 4 July 1712, in the great cathedral.5page needed His mother died of puerperal fever nine days after his birth, which he later described as "the first of my misfortunes".5page needed
He and his older brother François were brought up by their father and a paternal aunt, also named Suzanne. When Rousseau was five, his father sold the house that the family had received from his mother's relatives. While the idea was that his sons would inherit the principal when grown up and he would live off the interest in the meantime, in the end the father took most of the substantial proceeds.5page needed With the selling of the house, the Rousseau family moved out of the upper-class neighborhood and moved into an apartment house in a neighborhood of craftsmen—silversmiths, engravers, and other watchmakers.5page needed Growing up around craftsmen, Rousseau would later contrast them favorably to those who produced more aesthetic works, writing "those important persons who are called artists rather than artisans, work solely for the idle and rich, and put an arbitrary price on their baubles".5page needed Rousseau was also exposed to class politics in this environment, as the artisans often agitated in a campaign of resistance against the privileged class running Geneva.5page needed
Rousseau had no recollection of learning to read, but he remembered how when he was 5 or 6 his father encouraged his love of reading:
Every night, after supper, we read some part of a small collection of romances [i.e., adventure stories], which had been my mother's. My father's design was only to improve me in reading, and he thought these entertaining works were calculated to give me a fondness for it; but we soon found ourselves so interested in the adventures they contained, that we alternately read whole nights together and could not bear to give over until at the conclusion of a volume. Sometimes, in the morning, on hearing the swallows at our window, my father, quite ashamed of this weakness, would cry, "Come, come, let us go to bed; I am more a child than thou art." (Confessions, Book 1)
Rousseau's reading of escapist stories (such as L'Astrée by Honoré d'Urfé) had an effect on him; he later wrote that they "gave me bizarre and romantic notions of human life, which experience and reflection have never been able to cure me of".5page needed After they had finished reading the novels, they began to read a collection of ancient and modern classics left by his mother's uncle. Of these, his favorite was Plutarch's Lives of the Noble Greeks and Romans, which he would read to his father while he made watches. Rousseau saw Plutarch's work as another kind of novel—the noble actions of heroes—and he would act out the deeds of the characters he was reading about.5page needed
Witnessing the local townsfolk participate in militias made a big impression on Rousseau. Throughout his life, he would recall one scene where, after the volunteer militia had finished its manoeuvres, they began to dance around a fountain and most of the people from neighboring buildings came out to join them, including him and his father. Rousseau would always see militias as the embodiment of popular spirit in opposition to the armies of the rulers, whom he saw as disgraceful mercenaries.5page needed
When Rousseau was 10, his father, an avid hunter, got into a legal quarrel with a wealthy landowner on whose lands he had been caught trespassing. To avoid certain defeat in the courts, he moved away to Nyon in the territory of Bern, taking Rousseau's aunt Suzanne with him. He remarried, and from that point Jean-Jacques saw little of him.7 Jean-Jacques was left with his maternal uncle, who packed him, along with his own son, Abraham Bernard, away to board for two years with a Calvinist minister in a hamlet outside Geneva. Here, the boys picked up the elements of mathematics and drawing. Rousseau, who was always deeply moved by religious services, for a time even dreamed of becoming a Protestant minister.
Virtually all our information about Rousseau's youth has come from his posthumously published Confessions, in which the chronology is somewhat confused, though recent scholars have combed the archives for confirming evidence to fill in the blanks. At age 13, Rousseau was apprenticed first to a notary and then to an engraver who beat him. At 15, he ran away from Geneva (on 14 March 1728) after returning to the city and finding the city gates locked due to the curfew.
In adjoining Savoy he took shelter with a Roman Catholic priest, who introduced him to Françoise-Louise de Warens, age 29. She was a noblewoman of Protestant background who was separated from her husband. As professional lay proselytizer, she was paid by the King of Piedmont to help bring Protestants to Catholicism. They sent the boy to Turin, the capital of Savoy (which included Piedmont, in what is now Italy), to complete his conversion. This resulted in his having to give up his Genevan citizenship, although he would later revert to Calvinism in order to regain it.
In converting to Catholicism, both De Warens and Rousseau were likely reacting to Calvinism's insistence on the total depravity of man. Leo Damrosch writes: "An eighteenth-century Genevan liturgy still required believers to declare 'that we are miserable sinners, born in corruption, inclined to evil, incapable by ourselves of doing good'".8 De Warens, a deist by inclination, was attracted to Catholicism's doctrine of forgiveness of sins.
Finding himself on his own, since his father and uncle had more or less disowned him, the teenage Rousseau supported himself for a time as a servant, secretary, and tutor, wandering in Italy (Piedmont and Savoy) and France. During this time, he lived on and off with De Warens, whom he idolized and called his "maman". Flattered by his devotion, De Warens tried to get him started in a profession, and arranged formal music lessons for him. At one point, he briefly attended a seminary with the idea of becoming a priest.
When Rousseau reached 20, De Warens took him as her lover, while intimate also with the steward of her house. The sexual aspect of their relationship (in fact a ménage à trois) confused Rousseau and made him uncomfortable, but he always considered De Warens the greatest love of his life. A rather profligate spender, she had a large library and loved to entertain and listen to music. She and her circle, comprising educated members of the Catholic clergy, introduced Rousseau to the world of letters and ideas.
Rousseau had been an indifferent student, but during his 20s, which were marked by long bouts of hypochondria, he applied himself in earnest to the study of philosophy, mathematics, and music. At 25, he came into a small inheritance from his mother and used a portion of it to repay De Warens for her financial support of him. At 27, he took a job as a tutor in Lyon.
In 1742, Rousseau moved to Paris in order to present the Académie des Sciences with a new system of numbered musical notation he believed would make his fortune. His system, intended to be compatible with typography, is based on a single line, displaying numbers representing intervals between notes and dots and commas indicating rhythmic values. Believing the system was impractical, the Academy rejected it, though they praised his mastery of the subject, and urged him to try again.
From 1743 to 1744, Rousseau had an honorable but ill-paying post as a secretary to the Comte de Montaigue, the French ambassador to Venice. This awoke in him a lifelong love for Italian music, particularly opera:
I had brought with me from Paris the prejudice of that city against Italian music; but I had also received from nature a sensibility and niceness of distinction which prejudice cannot withstand. I soon contracted that passion for Italian music with which it inspires all those who are capable of feeling its excellence. In listening to barcaroles, I found I had not yet known what singing was...—Confessionspage needed
Rousseau’s employer routinely received his stipend as much as a year late and paid his staff irregularly.9 After 11 months, Rousseau quit, taking from the experience a profound distrust of government bureaucracy.
Returning to Paris, the penniless Rousseau befriended and became the lover of Thérèse Levasseur, a seamstress who was the sole support of her mother and numerous ne'er-do-well siblings. At first, they did not live together, though later Rousseau took Thérèse and her mother in to live with him as his servants, and himself assumed the burden of supporting her large family. According to his Confessions, before she moved in with him, Thérèse bore him a son and as many as four other children (there is no independent verification for this number10).
Rousseau wrote that he persuaded Thérèse to give each of the newborns up to a foundling hospital, for the sake of her "honor". "Her mother, who feared the inconvenience of a brat, came to my aid, and she [Thérèse] allowed herself to be overcome" (Confessions). In his letter to Madame de Francueil in 1751, he first pretended that he wasn't rich enough to raise his children, but in Book IX of the Confessions he gave the true reasons of his choice: "I trembled at the thought of intrusting them to a family ill brought up, to be still worse educated. The risk of the education of the foundling hospital was much less".
Ten years later, Rousseau made inquiries about the fate of his son, but no record could be found. When Rousseau subsequently became celebrated as a theorist of education and child-rearing, his abandonment of his children was used by his critics, including Voltaire and Edmund Burke, as the basis for ad hominem attacks.
While in Paris, Rousseau became a close friend of French philosopher Diderot and, beginning with some articles on music in 1749,11 contributed numerous articles to Diderot and D'Alembert's great Encyclopédie, the most famous of which was an article on political economy written in 1755.
Rousseau's ideas were the result of an almost obsessive dialogue with writers of the past, filtered in many cases through conversations with Diderot. In 1749, Rousseau was paying daily visits to Diderot, who had been thrown into the fortress of Vincennes under a lettre de cachet for opinions in his "Lettre sur les aveugles", that hinted at materialism, a belief in atoms, and natural selection.
Rousseau had read about an essay competition sponsored by the Académie de Dijon to be published in the Mercure de France on the theme of whether the development of the arts and sciences had been morally beneficial. He wrote that while walking to Vincennes (about three miles from Paris), he had a revelation that the arts and sciences were responsible for the moral degeneration of mankind, who were basically good by nature. Rousseau's 1750 Discourse on the Arts and Sciences was awarded the first prize and gained him significant fame.
Rousseau continued his interest in music. He wrote both the words and music of his opera Le devin du village (The Village Soothsayer), which was performed for King Louis XV in 1752. The king was so pleased by the work that he offered Rousseau a lifelong pension. To the exasperation of his friends, Rousseau turned down the great honor, bringing him notoriety as "the man who had refused a king's pension". He also turned down several other advantageous offers, sometimes with a brusqueness bordering on truculence that gave offense and caused him problems. The same year, the visit of a troupe of Italian musicians to Paris, and their performance of Giovanni Battista Pergolesi's La serva padrona, prompted the Querelle des Bouffons, which pitted protagonists of French music against supporters of the Italian style. Rousseau as noted above, was an enthusiastic supporter of the Italians against Jean-Philippe Rameau and others, making an important contribution with his Letter on French Music.
On returning to Geneva in 1754, Rousseau reconverted to Calvinism and regained his official Genevan citizenship. In 1755, Rousseau completed his second major work, the Discourse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men (the Discourse on Inequality), which elaborated on the arguments of the Discourse on the Arts and Sciences.
He also pursued an unconsummated romantic attachment with the 25-year-old Sophie d'Houdetot, which partly inspired his epistolary novel, Julie, ou la nouvelle Héloïse (also based on memories of his idyllic youthful relationship with Mme de Warens). Sophie was the cousin and houseguest of Rousseau's patroness and landlady Madame d'Épinay, whom he treated rather highhandedly. He resented being at Mme. d'Épinay's beck and call and detested the insincere conversation and shallow atheism of the Encyclopedistes whom he met at her table. Wounded feelings gave rise to a bitter three-way quarrel between Rousseau and Madame d'Épinay; her lover, the journalist Grimm; and their mutual friend, Diderot, who took their side against Rousseau. Diderot later described Rousseau as being "false, vain as Satan, ungrateful, cruel, hypocritical, and wicked... He sucked ideas from me, used them himself, and then affected to despise me".12
Rousseau's break with the Encyclopedistes coincided with the composition of his three major works, in all of which he emphasized his fervent belief in a spiritual origin of man's soul and the universe, in contradistinction to the materialism of Diderot, La Mettrie and D'Holbach. During this period, Rousseau enjoyed the support and patronage of Charles François Frédéric de Montmorency-Luxembourg and the Prince de Conti, two of the richest and most powerful nobles in France. These men truly liked Rousseau and enjoyed his ability to converse on any subject, but they also used him as a way of getting back at Louis XV and the political faction surrounding his mistress, Madame de Pompadour. Even with them, however, Rousseau went too far, courting rejection when he criticized the practice of tax farming, in which some of them engaged.13
Rousseau's 800-page novel of sentiment, Julie, ou la nouvelle Héloïse, was published in 1761 to immense success. The book's rhapsodic descriptions of the natural beauty of the Swiss countryside struck a chord in the public and may have helped spark the subsequent nineteenth-century craze for Alpine scenery. In 1762, Rousseau published Du Contrat Social, Principes du droit politique (in English, literally Of the Social Contract, Principles of Political Right) in April. Even his friend Antoine-Jacques Roustan felt impelled to write a polite rebuttal of the chapter on Civil Religion in the Social Contract, which implied that the concept of a Christian republic was paradoxical since Christianity taught submission rather than participation in public affairs. Rousseau helped Roustan find a publisher for the rebuttal.14
Rousseau published Emile, or On Education in May. A famous section of Emile, "The Profession of Faith of a Savoyard Vicar", was intended to be a defense of religious belief. Rousseau's choice of a Catholic vicar of humble peasant background (plausibly based on a kindly prelate he had met as a teenager) as a spokesman for the defense of religion was in itself a daring innovation for the time. The vicar's creed was that of Socinianism (or Unitarianism as it is called today). Because it rejected original sin and divine revelation, both Protestant and Catholic authorities took offense.a
Moreover, Rousseau advocated the opinion that, insofar as they lead people to virtue, all religions are equally worthy, and that people should therefore conform to the religion in which they have been brought up. This religious indifferentism caused Rousseau and his books to be banned from France and Geneva. He was condemned from the pulpit by the Archbishop of Paris, his books were burned and warrants were issued for his arrest.5page needed Former friends such as Jacob Vernes of Geneva could not accept his views, and wrote violent rebuttals.15
A sympathetic observer, David Hume "professed no surprise when he learned that Rousseau's books were banned in Geneva and elsewhere". Rousseau, he wrote, "has not had the precaution to throw any veil over his sentiments; and, as he scorns to dissemble his contempt for established opinions, he could not wonder that all the zealots were in arms against him. The liberty of the press is not so secured in any country... as not to render such an open attack on popular prejudice somewhat dangerous.'"16
After Rousseau's Emile had outraged the French parliament, an arrest order had been issued by parliament against him, causing him to flee to Switzerland. Subsequently when the Swiss authorities also proved unsympathetic to him—condemning both Emile, and also The Social Contract—Voltaire issued an invitation to Rousseau to come and reside with him, commenting that: "I shall always love the author of the 'Vicaire savoyard' whatever he has done, and whatever he may do...Let him come here [to Ferney]! He must come! I shall receive him with open arms. He shall be master here more than I. I shall treat him like my own son."17
Rousseau later expressed regret that he had not replied to Voltaire's invitation.In July 1762, after Rousseau was informed that he could not continue to reside in Bern, d'Alembert advised him to move to the Principality of Neuchâtel, ruled by Frederick the Great of Prussia. Subsequently, Rousseau accepted an invitation to reside in Môtiers, fifteen miles from Neuchâtel. On July 11, 1762, Rousseau wrote to Frederick, describing how he had been driven from France, from Geneva, and from Bern; and seeking Frederick's protection. He also mentioned that he had criticized Frederick in the past and would continue to be critical of Frederick in the future, stating however: "Your Majesty may dispose of me as you like." Frederick, still in middle of the Seven Years' War, then wrote to the local governor of Neuchatel,Keith:
We must succor this poor unfortunate. His only offense is to have strange opinions which he thinks are good ones. I will send a hundred crowns, from which you will be kind enough to give him as much as he needs. I think he will accept them in kind more readily than in cash. If we were not at war, if we were not ruined, I would build him a hermitage with a garden, where he could live as I believe our first fathers did...I think poor Rousseau has missed his vocation; he was obviously born to be a famous anchorite, a desert father, celebrated for his austerities and flagellations...I conclude that the morals of your savage are as pure as his mind is illogical.18
Rousseau, touched by the help he received from Frederick, stated that from then onwards he took a keen interest in Frederick's activities. As the Seven Years' War was about to end, Rousseau wrote to Frederick again, thanking him for the help received and urging him to put an end to military activities and to endeavor to keep his subjects happy instead. Frederick made no known reply, but commented to Keith that Rousseau had given him a "scolding".19
For two years Rousseau lived at Motiers spending his time in reading and writing, and meeting visitors.20 In the meantime, the local ministers had become aware of the apostasies in some of his writings, and resolved not to let him stay in the vicinity. Rousseau was summoned by the Neuchatel Consistory on the charge of blasphemy. He wrote back asking to be excused due to his inability to sit for a long time due to his ailment.2122 Subsequently Rousseau's own pastor, Montmollin,23 started denouncing him publicly as the Antichrist.21 In one inflammatory sermon, Montmollin quoted Proverbs 15:8: "The sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination to the Lord, but the prayer of the upright is his delight"; this was interpreted by everyone to mean that Rousseau's taking communion was detested by the Lord.24 The ecclesiastical attacks inflamed the parishioners who proceeded to pelt Rousseau with stones when he would go out for walks. Around midnight of September 6–7, stones were thrown at the house Rousseau was staying in, and some glass windows were shattered.25 When a local official, Martinet, arrived at Rousseau's residence he saw so many stones on the balcony that he exclaimed "My God, its a quarry!"26 At this point, Rousseau's friends in Motiers advised him to leave the town.25
Since he wanted to remain in Switzerland, Rousseau decided to accept an offer to move to a tiny island, the Ile de St.-Pierre, having a solitary house.Although it was within the Canton of Bern, from where he was expelled two years ago, he was informally assured that he could move into this island house without fear of arrest, and he did so. However, on October 17, 1765, the Senate of Bern ordered Rousseau to leave the island and all Bernese territory within fifteen days. He replied, requesting permission to extend his stay, and offered to be incarcerated in any place within their jurisdiction with only a few books in his possession and permission to walk occasionally in a garden while living at his own expense. The Senate's response was to direct Rousseau to leave the island, and all Bernese territory, within twenty four hours. On October 29, he left the Ile de St.-Pierre, and moved to Strasbourg. At this point:
On December 9, 1765, having secured a passport from the French government to come to Paris, Rousseau left Strasbourg for Paris where he arrived after a week, and lodged in a palace of his friend, the Prince of Conti. Here he met Hume, and also numerous friends, and well wishers, and became a very conspicuous figure in the city.2829 At this time, Hume wrote:
It is impossible to express or imagine the enthusiasm of this nation in Rousseau's favor...No person ever so much enjoyed their attention...Voltaire and everybody else are quite eclipsed.28
One significant meeting could have taken place at this time: Diderot wanted to reconcile and make amends with Rousseau. However, since both Diderot and Rousseau wanted the other person to take the initiative in this respect, no meeting between the two took place.30
- Walpole's Letter
On January 1, 1766, Grimm wrote a report to his clientele, in which he included a letter said to have been written by Frederick the Great to Rousseau. This letter had actually been composed by Horace Walpole as a playful hoax.note 1Walpole had never met Rousseau, but he was well acquainted with Diderot and Grimm. The letter soon found wide publicity;3233 Hume is believed to have been present, and to have participated in its creation.34 On February 16, 1766, Hume wrote to the Marquise de Brabantane: "The only pleasantry I permitted myself in connection with the pretended letter of the King of Prussia was made by me at the dinner table of Lord Ossory."35 This letter was one of the reasons for the later rupture in Hume's relations with Rousseau.32 In a letter to Hume, shortly after Hume's famous quarrel with Rousseau, Madame de Boufflers explained Rousseau's anger towards Hume as per her understanding:
His anger has no just cause, but it is sincere; of that I feel no doubt. Here is what I imagine to be the cause of it. I have heard it said, and he has perhaps been told, that one of the best phrases in Mr Walpole's letter was by you, and that you had said in jest, speaking in the name of the King of Prussia, "If you wish for persecutions, I am a king, and can procure them for you of any sort you like," and that Mr Walpole...had said you were its author. If this be true, and Rousseau knows of it, do you wonder that, sensitive, hot-headed, melancholy, and proud,...he has become enraged?36
On January 4, 1766, Rousseau left Paris along with Hume, the merchant de Luze who was an old friend of Rousseau, and Rousseau's pet dog Sultan.After a four-day journey to Calais, where they stayed for two nights, the travelers embarked on a ship to Dover. On January 13, 1766 they arrived in London.3537
Soon after their arrival, David Garrick arranged a box at the Drury Lane Theatre for Hume and Rousseau on a night when the King and Queen were also present. Garrick was himself performing in a comedy by himself, and also a tragedy by Voltaire.3538 Rousseau became so excited during the performance that he leaned too far and almost fell out of the box; Hume observed that the King and Queen were looking at Rousseau more than at the performance.38 Afterwards, Garrick served supper for Rousseau who commended Garrick's acting:"Sir, you have made me shed tears at your tragedy, and smile at your comedy, though i scarce understood a word of your language."35
At this time, Hume had a favorable opinion of Rousseau; in a letter to Mme. de Brabantane, Hume wrote that after observing Rousseau carefully he had concluded that he had never met a more affable and virtuous person. According to Hume, Rousseau was "gentle, modest, affectionate, disinterested, of extreme sensitivity."35 Initially, Rousseau was lodged by Hume in London, but he began receiving so many visitors that he soon wanted to move to a quieter location. An offer came to lodge him in a Welsh monastery, and he was inclined to accept it, but Hume persuaded him to move to Chiswick.39 He now asked for Therese to rejoin him.40
Meanwhile James Boswell was in Paris, and offered to escort Therese to Rousseau.4142 (Boswell had earlier met Rousseau and Therese at Motiers; he had subsequently also sent her a garnet necklace and written to Rousseau seeking permission to occasionally communicate with Therese.41) Hume foresaw what was going to happen: "I dread some event fatal to our friend's honor." 4142 Boswell and Therese were together for more than a week, and as per notes in Boswell's diary they consummated the relationship, having intercourse several times.4142 On one occasion, Therese told Boswell: "Don't imagine you are a better lover than Rousseau." 41
Since Rousseau was keen to relocate to a more remote location, Richard Davenport—a wealthy and elderly widower who spoke French—offered to accommodate Therese and Rousseau at Wootton Hall. On March 22, Rousseau and Therese set forth for Wootton, against Hume's advise. Hume and Rousseau would never meet again.4344
- Quarrel with Hume
On April 3, the letter featuring Horace Walpole's hoax on Rousseau was published in a British daily without mention of the actual author; Rousseau's grief at the publication was compounded when he discovered that the editor of the daily was an old friend of Hume. Gradually articles critical of Rousseau started appearing in the British press; Rousseau felt that Hume, as his host, ought to have defended him. Moreover, in Rousseau's estimate, some of the public criticism contained details which only Hume was privy to. 47Further, Rousseau was aggrieved to find that Hume had been living in the same house with Francois Tronchin, son of Rousseau's enemy in Geneva.4840
About this time, Voltaire anonymously published his Letter to Dr. J.-J. Pansophe in which he gave extracts from many of Rousseau's prior statements critical of the British; the most damaging portions of Voltaire's writeup were reprinted in a London periodical. Rousseau now decided that there was a conspiracy afoot to defame him.4749
Although officially banned from entering France before 1770, Rousseau returned in 1767 under a false name. In 1768, he went through a marriage of sorts to Thérèse (marriages between Catholics and Protestants were illegal), whom he had always hitherto referred to as his "housekeeper". Though she was illiterate, she had become a remarkably good cook, a hobby her husband shared.citation needed
In 1770, they were allowed to return to Paris. As a condition of his return, he was not allowed to publish any books, but after completing his Confessions, Rousseau began private readings in 1771. At the request of Madame d'Épinay, who was anxious to protect her privacy, however, the police ordered him to stop, and the Confessions was only partially published in 1782, four years after his death. All his subsequent works were to appear posthumously.citation needed
In 1772, Rousseau was invited to present recommendations for a new constitution for the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, resulting in the Considerations on the Government of Poland, which was to be his last major political work. In 1776, he completed Dialogues: Rousseau Judge of Jean-Jacques and began work on the Reveries of a Solitary Walker. In order to support himself, he returned to copying music, spending his leisure time in the study of botany.citation needed
Rousseau's final years were largely spent in deliberate withdrawal. However, he did respond favorably to an approach from the composer Christoph Willibald Gluck, whom he met in 1774. Gluck admired Rousseau as "a pioneer of the expressive natural style" in music.50 One of Rousseau's last pieces of writing was a critical yet enthusiastic analysis of Gluck's opera Alceste. While taking a morning walk on the estate of the marquis René Louis de Girardin at Ermenonville (28 miles northeast of Paris), Rousseau suffered a hemorrhage and died, aged 66.citation needed
Rousseau was initially buried at Ermenonville, on the Île des Peupliers, which became a place of pilgrimage for his many admirers. Sixteen years after his death, his remains were moved to the Panthéon in Paris in 1794, where they are located directly across from those of his contemporary, Voltaire. His tomb, in the shape of a rustic temple, on which in bas relief an arm reaches out, bearing the torch of liberty, evokes Rousseau's deep love of nature and of classical antiquity.citation needed
In 1834, the Genevan government somewhat reluctantly erected a statue in his honor on the tiny Île Rousseau in Lake Geneva. Today, he is proudly claimed as their most celebrated native son.citation needed In 2002, the Espace Rousseau51 as established at 40 Grand-Rue, Geneva, Rousseau’s birthplace.
|“||The first man who, having fenced in a piece of land, said 'This is mine', and found people naïve enough to believe him, that man was the true founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars, and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch, and crying to his fellows: Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody.||”|
In common with other philosophers of the day, Rousseau looked to a hypothetical State of Nature as a normative guide.
Rousseau criticized Hobbes for asserting that since man in the "state of nature... has no idea of goodness he must be naturally wicked; that he is vicious because he does not know virtue". On the contrary, Rousseau holds that "uncorrupted morals" prevail in the "state of nature" and he especially praised the admirable moderation of the Caribbeans in expressing the sexual urge52 despite the fact that they live in a hot climate, which "always seems to inflame the passions".53
Rousseau asserted that the stage of human development associated with what he called "savages" was the best or optimal in human development, between the less-than-optimal extreme of brute animals on the one hand and the extreme of decadent civilization on the other. "...[N]othing is so gentle as man in his primitive state, when placed by nature at an equal distance from the stupidity of brutes and the fatal enlightenment of civil man".54 Referring to the stage of human development which Rousseau associates with savages, Rousseau writes:
Hence although men had become less forebearing, and although natural pity had already undergone some alteration, this period of the development of human faculties, maintaining a middle position between the indolence of our primitive state and the petulant activity of our egocentrism, must have been the happiest and most durable epoch. The more one reflects on it, the more one finds that this state was the least subject to upheavals and the best for man, and that he must have left it only by virtue of some fatal chance happening that, for the common good, ought never to have happened. The example of savages, almost all of whom have been found in this state, seems to confirm that the human race had been made to remain in it always; that this state is the veritable youth of the world; and that all the subsequent progress has been in appearance so many steps toward the perfection of the individual, and in fact toward the decay of the species."55
The perspective of many of today's environmentalists can be traced back to Rousseau who believed that the more men deviated from the state of nature, the worse off they would be. Espousing the belief that all degenerates in men's hands, Rousseau taught that men would be free, wise, and good in the state of nature and that instinct and emotion, when not distorted by the unnatural limitations of civilization, are nature's voices and instructions to the good life. Rousseau’s ‘noble savage’ stands in direct opposition to the man of culture.56
Rousseau believed that the savage stage was not the first stage of human development, but the third stage. Rousseau held that this third savage stage of human societal development was an optimum, between the extreme of the state of brute animals and animal-like ‘ape-men’ on the one hand, and the extreme of decadent civilized life on the other. This has led some critics to attribute to Rousseau the invention of the idea of the noble savage,57b which Arthur Lovejoy conclusively showed misrepresents Rousseau's thought.58596061
The expression "the noble savage" was first used in 1672 by British poet John Dryden in his play The Conquest of Granada.626364 Rousseau wrote that morality was not a societal construct, but rather ‘natural’ in the sense of ‘innate’, an outgrowth from man's instinctive disinclination to witness suffering, from which arise the emotions of compassion or empathy. These were sentiments shared with animals, and whose existence even Hobbes acknowledged.c
Contrary to what many detractors have claimed, Rousseau never suggests that humans in the state of nature act morally; in fact, terms such as ‘justice’ or ‘wickedness’ are inapplicable to prepolitical society as Rousseau understands it. Morality proper, i.e., self-restraint, can only develop through careful education in a civil state. Humans ‘in a state of Nature’ may act with all of the ferocity of an animal. They are good only in a negative sense, insofar as they are self-sufficient and thus not subject to the vices of political society.citation needed
In fact, Rousseau's natural man is virtually identical to a solitary chimpanzee or other ape, such as the orangutan as described by Buffon; and the "natural" goodness of humanity is thus the goodness of an animal, which is neither good nor bad. Rousseau, a deteriorationist, proposed that, except perhaps for brief moments of balance, at or near its inception, when a relative equality among men prevailed, human civilization has always been artificial, creating inequality, envy, and unnatural desires.citation needed
Rousseau’s ideas of human development were highly interconnected with forms of mediation, or the processes that individual humans use to interact with themselves and others while using an alternate perspective or thought process. According to Rousseau, these were developed through the innate perfectibility of humanity. These include a sense of self, morality, pity, and imagination. Rousseau’s writings are purposely ambiguous concerning the formation of these processes to the point that mediation is always intrinsically part of humanity's development. An example of this is the notion that as an individual, one needs an alternative perspective to come to the realization that they are a 'self'65
In Rousseau's philosophy, society's negative influence on men centers on its transformation of amour de soi, a positive self-love, into amour-propre, or pride. Amour de soi represents the instinctive human desire for self-preservation, combined with the human power of reason. In contrast, amour-propre is artificial and encourages man to compare himself to others, thus creating unwarranted fear and allowing men to take pleasure in the pain or weakness of others.citation needed Rousseau was not the first to make this distinction. It had been invoked by Vauvenargues, among others.
In the Discourse on the Arts and Sciences Rousseau argues that the arts and sciences have not been beneficial to humankind, because they arose not from authentic human needs but rather as a result of pride and vanity. Moreover, the opportunities they create for idleness and luxury have contributed to the corruption of man. He proposed that the progress of knowledge had made governments more powerful and had crushed individual liberty; and he concluded that material progress had actually undermined the possibility of true friendship by replacing it with jealousy, fear, and suspicion.
In contrast to the optimistic view of other Enlightenment figures, for Rousseau, progress has been inimical to the well-being of humanity, that is, unless it can be counteracted by the cultivation of civic morality and duty.
Only in civil society can man be ennobled—through the use of reason:
The passage from the state of nature to the civil state produces a very remarkable change in man, by substituting justice for instinct in his conduct, and giving his actions the morality they had formerly lacked. Then only, when the voice of duty takes the place of physical impulses and right of appetite, does man, who so far had considered only himself, find that he is forced to act on different principles, and to consult his reason before listening to his inclinations. Although in this state he deprives himself of some advantages which he got from nature, he gains in return others so great, his faculties are so stimulated and developed, his ideas so extended, his feelings so ennobled, and his whole soul so uplifted, that, did not the abuses of this new condition often degrade him below that which he left, he would be bound to bless continually the happy moment which took him from it for ever, and, instead of a stupid and unimaginative animal, made him an intelligent being and a man.66
Society corrupts men only insofar as the Social Contract has not de facto succeeded, as we see in contemporary society as described in the Discourse on Inequality (1754).
In this essay, which elaborates on the ideas introduced in the Discourse on the Arts and Sciences, Rousseau traces man's social evolution from a primitive state of nature to modern society. The earliest solitary humans possessed a basic drive for self-preservation and a natural disposition to compassion or pity. They differed from animals, however, in their capacity for free will and their potential perfectibility. As they began to live in groups and form clans they also began to experience family love, which Rousseau saw as the source of the greatest happiness known to humanity.
As long as differences in wealth and status among families were minimal, the first coming together in groups was accompanied by a fleeting golden age of human flourishing. The development of agriculture, metallurgy, private property, and the division of labour and resulting dependency on one another, however, led to economic inequality and conflict. As population pressures forced them to associate more and more closely, they underwent a psychological transformation: they began to see themselves through the eyes of others and came to value the good opinion of others as essential to their self-esteem.citation needed
Rousseau posits that the original, deeply flawed Social Contract (i.e., that of Hobbes), which led to the modern state, was made at the suggestion of the rich and powerful, who tricked the general population into surrendering their liberties to them and instituted inequality as a fundamental feature of human society. Rousseau's own conception of the Social Contract can be understood as an alternative to this fraudulent form of association.citation needed
At the end of the Discourse on Inequality, Rousseau explains how the desire to have value in the eyes of others comes to undermine personal integrity and authenticity in a society marked by interdependence, and hierarchy. In the last chapter of the Social Contract, Rousseau would ask ’What is to be done?’ He answers that now all men can do is to cultivate virtue in themselves and submit to their lawful rulers. To his readers, however, the inescapable conclusion was that a new and more equitable Social Contract was needed.
The Social Contract, arguably Rousseau's most important work, outlines the basis for a legitimate political order within a framework of classical republicanism. Published in 1762, it became one of the most influential works of political philosophy in the Western tradition. It developed some of the ideas mentioned in an earlier work, the article Economie Politique (Discourse on Political Economy), featured in Diderot's Encyclopédie. The treatise begins with the dramatic opening lines, "Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains. Those who think themselves the masters of others are indeed greater slaves than they."
Rousseau claimed that the state of nature was a primitive condition without law or morality, which human beings left for the benefits and necessity of cooperation. As society developed, division of labor and private property required the human race to adopt institutions of law. In the degenerate phase of society, man is prone to be in frequent competition with his fellow men while also becoming increasingly dependent on them. This double pressure threatens both his survival and his freedom.
According to Rousseau, by joining together into civil society through the social contract and abandoning their claims of natural right, individuals can both preserve themselves and remain free. This is because submission to the authority of the general will of the people as a whole guarantees individuals against being subordinated to the wills of others and also ensures that they obey themselves because they are, collectively, the authors of the law.
Although Rousseau argues that sovereignty (or the power to make the laws) should be in the hands of the people, he also makes a sharp distinction between the sovereign and the government. The government is composed of magistrates, charged with implementing and enforcing the general will. The "sovereign" is the rule of law, ideally decided on by direct democracy in an assembly.
Rousseau opposed the idea that the people should exercise sovereignty via a representative assembly (Book III, Chapter XV). He approved the kind of republican government of the city-state, for which Geneva provided a model - or would have done if renewed on Rousseau's principles. France could not meet Rousseau's criterion of an ideal state because it was too big. Much subsequent controversy about Rousseau's work has hinged on disagreements concerning his claims that citizens constrained to obey the general will are thereby rendered free:
The notion of the general will is wholly central to Rousseau's theory of political legitimacy. ... It is, however, an unfortunately obscure and controversial notion. Some commentators see it as no more than the dictatorship of the proletariat or the tyranny of the urban poor (such as may perhaps be seen in the French Revolution). Such was not Rousseau's meaning. This is clear from the Discourse on Political Economy, where Rousseau emphasizes that the general will exists to protect individuals against the mass, not to require them to be sacrificed to it. He is, of course, sharply aware that men have selfish and sectional interests which will lead them to try to oppress others. It is for this reason that loyalty to the good of all alike must be a supreme (although not exclusive) commitment by everyone, not only if a truly general will is to be heeded but also if it is to be formulated successfully in the first place".68
The noblest work in education is to make a reasoning man, and we expect to train a young child by making him reason! This is beginning at the end; this is making an instrument of a result. If children understood how to reason they would not need to be educated.—Rousseau, Emilepage needed.
Rousseau's philosophy of education concerns itself not with particular techniques of imparting information and concepts, but rather with developing the pupil's character and moral sense, so that he may learn to practice self-mastery and remain virtuous even in the unnatural and imperfect society in which he will have to live. The hypothetical boy, Émile, is to be raised in the countryside, which, Rousseau believes, is a more natural and healthy environment than the city, under the guardianship of a tutor who will guide him through various learning experiences arranged by the tutor. Today we would call this the disciplinary method of "natural consequences". Rousseau felt that children learn right and wrong through experiencing the consequences of their acts rather than through physical punishment. The tutor will make sure that no harm results to Émile through his learning experiences.
Rousseau became an early advocate of developmentally appropriate education; his description of the stages of child development mirrors his conception of the evolution of culture. He divides childhood into stages:
- the first to the age of about 12, when children are guided by their emotions and impulses
- during the second stage, from 12 to about 16, reason starts to develop
- finally the third stage, from the age of 16 onwards, when the child develops into an adult
Rousseau recommends that the young adult learn a manual skill such as carpentry, which requires creativity and thought, will keep him out of trouble, and will supply a fallback means of making a living in the event of a change of fortune (the most illustrious aristocratic youth to have been educated this way may have been Louis XVI, whose parents had him learn the skill of locksmithing69). The sixteen-year-old is also ready to have a companion of the opposite sex.
Although his ideas foreshadowed modern ones in many ways, in one way they do not: Rousseau was a believer in the moral superiority of the patriarchal family on the antique Roman model. Sophie, the young woman Émile is destined to marry, as a representative of ideal womanhood, is educated to be governed by her husband while Émile, as representative of the ideal man, is educated to be self-governing. This is not an accidental feature of Rousseau's educational and political philosophy; it is essential to his account of the distinction between private, personal relations and the public world of political relations. The private sphere as Rousseau imagines it depends on the subordination of women, in order for both it and the public political sphere (upon which it depends) to function as Rousseau imagines it could and should. Rousseau anticipated the modern idea of the bourgeois nuclear family, with the mother at home taking responsibility for the household and for childcare and early education.
Feminists, beginning in the late 18th century with Mary Wollstonecraft in 179270 have criticized Rousseau for his confinement of women to the domestic sphere—unless women were domesticated and constrained by modesty and shame, he feared71 ‘men would be tyrannized by women… For, given the ease with which women arouse men's senses– men would finally be their victims…’72 His contemporaries saw it differently because Rousseau thought that mothers should breastfeed their children.73 Marmontel wrote that his wife thought, ‘One must forgive something,’ she said, ‘in one who has taught us to be mothers.’74
Rousseau has been blamed for so-called modern "child-centered" education.citation needed John Darling's 1994 book Child-Centered Education and its Critics portrays the history of modern educational theory as a series of footnotes to Rousseau, a development he regards as bad. Good or bad, the theories of educators such as Rousseau's near contemporaries Pestalozzi, Mme. de Genlis and, later, Maria Montessori and John Dewey, which have directly influenced modern educational practices, do have significant points in common with those of Rousseau.citation needed
Having converted to Roman Catholicism early in life and returned to the austere Calvinism of his native Geneva as part of his period of moral reform, Rousseau maintained a profession of that religious philosophy and of John Calvin as a modern lawgiver throughout the remainder of his life.75 His views on religion presented in his works of philosophy, however, may strike some as discordant with the doctrines of both Catholicism and Calvinism.
At the time, however, Rousseau's strong endorsement of religious toleration, as expounded by the Savoyard vicar in Émile, was interpreted as advocating indifferentism, a heresy, and led to the condemnation of the book in both Calvinist Geneva and Catholic Paris. His assertion in The Social Contract that true followers of Jesus would not make good citizens may have been another reason for Rousseau's condemnation in Geneva.
Unlike many of the more radical Enlightenment philosophers, Rousseau affirmed the necessity of religion. But he repudiated the doctrine of original sin, which plays so large a part in Calvinism (in Émile, Rousseau writes "there is no original perversity in the human heart").76
In the 18th century, many deists viewed God merely as an abstract and impersonal creator of the universe, which they likened to a giant machine. Rousseau's deism differed from the usual kind in its intense emotionality. He saw the presence of God in his creation, including mankind, which, apart from the harmful influence of society, is good, because God is good. Rousseau's attribution of a spiritual value to the beauty of nature anticipates the attitudes of 19th-century Romanticism towards nature and religion.
Rousseau was upset that his deistic views were so forcefully condemned, while those of the more atheistic philosophes were ignored. He defended himself against critics of his religious views in his "Letter to Christophe de Beaumont, the Archbishop of Paris in which he insists that freedom of discussion in religious matters is essentially more religious than the attempt to impose belief by force."77
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Rousseau’s idea of the volonté générale (‘general will’) was not original with him but rather belonged to a well-established technical vocabulary of juridical and theological writings in use at the time. The phrase was used by Diderot and also by Montesquieu (and by his teacher, the Oratorian friar Nicolas Malebranche). It served to designate the common interest embodied in legal tradition, as distinct from and transcending people’s private and particular interests at any particular time.
The concept was also an important aspect of the more radical 17th-century republican tradition of Spinoza, from whom Rousseau differed in important respects, but not in his insistence on the importance of equality. This emphasis on equality is Rousseau's most important and consequential legacy, causing him to be both reviled and applauded:
While Rousseau's notion of the progressive moral degeneration of mankind from the moment civil society established itself diverges markedly from Spinoza's claim that human nature is always and everywhere the same… for both philosophers the pristine equality of the state of nature is our ultimate goal and criterion… in shaping the ‘common good’, volonté générale, or Spinoza's mens una, which alone can ensure stability and political salvation. Without the supreme criterion of equality, the general will would indeed be meaningless. […] When in the depths of the French Revolution the Jacobin clubs all over France regularly deployed Rousseau when demanding radical reforms. and especially anything—such as land redistribution—designed to enhance equality, they were at the same time, albeit unconsciously, invoking a radical tradition which reached back to the late seventeenth century.78
The cult that grew up around Rousseau after his death, and particularly the radicalized versions of Rousseau's ideas that were adopted by Robespierre and Saint-Just during the Reign of Terror, caused him to become identified with the most extreme aspects of the French Revolution.d Among other things, the ship of the line Jean-Jacques Rousseau (launched in 1795) was named after the philosopher. The revolutionaries were also inspired by Rousseau to introduce Deism as the new official civil religion of France, scandalizing traditionalists:
Ceremonial and symbolic occurrences of the more radical phases of the Revolution invoked Rousseau and his core ideas.
Thus the ceremony held at the site of the demolished Bastille, organized by the foremost artistic director of the Revolution, Jacques-Louis David, in August 1793 to mark the inauguration of the new republican constitution, an event coming shortly after the final abolition of all forms of feudal privilege, featured a cantata based on Rousseau's democratic pantheistic deism as expounded in the celebrated ‘Profession de foi d’un vicaire savoyard’ in Book Four of Émile.79
Opponents of the Revolution and defenders of religion, most influentially the Irish essayist Edmund Burke, therefore placed the blame for the excesses of the French Revolution directly on the revolutionaries' misplaced (as he considered it) adulation of Rousseau. Burke's "Letter to a Member of the National Assembly", published in February 1791, was a diatribe against Rousseau, whom he considered the paramount influence on the French Revolution (his ad hominem attack did not really engage with Rousseau's political writings). Burke maintained that the excesses of the Revolution were not accidents but were designed from the beginning and were rooted in Rousseau's personal vanity, arrogance, and other moral failings. He recalled Rousseau's visit to Britain in 1766, saying: "I had good opportunities of knowing his proceedings almost from day to day and he left no doubt in my mind that he entertained no principle either to influence his heart or to guide his understanding, but vanity". Conceding his gift of eloquence, Burke deplored Rousseau's lack of the good taste and finer feelings that would have been imparted by the education of a gentleman:
Taste and elegance ... are of no mean importance in the regulation of life. A moral taste ... infinitely abates the evils of vice. Rousseau, a writer of great force and vivacity, is totally destitute of taste in any sense of the word. Your masters [i.e., the leaders of the Revolution], who are his scholars, conceive that all refinement has an aristocratic character. The last age had exhausted all its powers in giving a grace and nobleness to our mutual appetites, and in raising them into a higher class and order than seemed justly to belong to them. Through Rousseau, your masters are resolved to destroy these aristocratic prejudices.80
According to some scholars, the American founders rarely cited Rousseau, but came independently to their revolutionary republicanism and enthusiastic admiration for the austere virtues described by Livy and in Plutarch's portrayals of the great men of ancient Sparta and the classical republicanism of early Rome, as did many, if not most other Enlightenment figures.e Rousseau’s praise of Switzerland and Corsica’s economies of isolated and self-sufficient independent homesteads, and his endorsement of a well-regulated citizen militia, such as Switzerland’s, recall the ideals of Jeffersonian democracy. Though the idea of a genuinely secular state constituted by a "civil religion" can be traced to Spinoza's Tractatus Theologico-Politicus, we can rightly attribute the popularization and development of this idea to Rousseau, including the key tenet of religious toleration. Yet despite the similarities between the ideas of Rousseau and the U.S. Framers, such as shared beliefs regarding the self-evidence of the claim that "all men are created equal," their shared conviction that citizens of a republic be educated at public expense, and the evident parallel between the Framers’ concept of the "general welfare" and Rousseau’s concept of the "general will", some scholars maintain there is little evidence that Rousseau had much effect on Thomas Jefferson and other founding fathers.81 They argue that the American constitution owes as much or more to the English Liberal philosopher John Locke’s emphasis on the rights of property and to Montesquieu’s theories of the separation of powers.f
However, Will Durant, writing in his book Rousseau and Revolution, has written that Rousseau had definite political influence on America. According to Durant:
The first sign of his political influence was in the wave of public sympathy that supported active French aid to the American Revolution. Jefferson derived the Declaration of Independence from Rousseau as well as from Locke and Montesquieu. As ambassador to France (1785-89) he absorbed much from both Voltaire and Rousseau...The success of the American Revolution raised the prestige of Rousseau's philosophy.82
The most important American follower was textbook-writer Noah Webster (1758–1843), who was influenced by Rousseau's ideas on pedagogy in Emile (1762). Webster structured his Speller in accord with Rousseau’s ideas about the stages of a child’s intellectual development.83
Rousseau's writings perhaps had an indirect influence on American literature through the writings of Wordsworth and Kant, whose works were important to the New England Transcendentalist Ralph Waldo Emerson, as well as on such Unitarians as theologian William Ellery Channing. American novelist James Fennimore Cooper's Last of the Mohicans and other novels reflect republican and egalitarian ideals present alike in Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and also in English Romantic primitivism.g84
"In truth," wrote Kingsley Martin, "Rousseau was a genius whose real influence cannot be traced with precision because it pervaded all the thought that followed him." He goes on:
Men will always be sharply divided about Rousseau: for he released imagination as well as sentimentalism; he increased men's desire for justice as well as confusing their minds , and he gave the poor hope even though the rich could make use of his arguments. In one direction at least Rousseau's influence was a steady one: he discredited force as a basis for the State, convinced men that authority was legitimate only when founded in rational consent and that no arguments from passing expediency could justify a government in disregarding individual freedom or in failing to promote social equality.86
The first to criticize Rousseau were his fellow Philosophes, above all, Voltaire. According to Jacques Barzun:
Voltaire, who had felt annoyed by the first essay On the Arts and Sciences, was outraged by the second, Discourse on the Origin of Inequality Among Men, declaring that Rousseau wanted us to "walk on all fours" like animals and behave like savages, believing them creatures of perfection. From these interpretations, plausible but inexact, spring the clichés Noble Savage and Back to Nature.87
Jacques Barzun states that, contrary to myth, Rousseau was no primitivist; for him:
The model man is the independent farmer, free of superiors and self-governing. This was cause enough for the philosophes' hatred of their former friend. Rousseau's unforgivable crime was his rejection of the graces and luxuries of civilized existence. Voltaire had sung "The superfluous, that most necessary thing." For the high bourgeois standard of living Rousseau would substitute the middling peasant's. It was the country versus the city—an exasperating idea for them, as was the amazing fact that every new work of Rousseau's was a huge success, whether the subject was politics, theater, education, religion, or a novel about love.88
Following the French Revolution, other commentators fingered a potential danger of Rousseau's project of realizing an "antique" conception of virtue amongst the citizenry in a modern world (e.g. through education, physical exercise, a citizen militia, public holidays, and the like). Taken too far, as under the Jacobins, such social engineering could result in tyranny.
As early as 1788, Madame de Staël published her Letters on the works and character of J.-J. Rousseau.89 In 1819, in his famous speech "On Ancient and Modern Liberty", the political philosopher Benjamin Constant, a proponent of constitutional monarchy and representative democracy, criticized Rousseau, or rather his more radical followers (specifically the Abbé de Mably), for allegedly believing that "everything should give way to collective will, and that all restrictions on individual rights would be amply compensated by participation in social power."
Common also were attacks by defenders of social hierarchy on Rousseau's "romantic" belief in equality. In 1860, shortly after the Sepoy Rebellion in India, two British white supremacists, John Crawfurd and James Hunt, mounted a defense of British imperialism based on "scientific racism".90 Crawfurd, in alliance with Hunt, took over the presidency of the British Anthropological Society, which had been founded with the mission to defend indigenous peoples against slavery and colonial exploitation. Invoking "science" and "realism", the two men derided their "philanthropic" predecessors for believing in human equality and for not recognizing that mankind was divided into superior and inferior races. Crawfurd, who opposed Darwinian evolution, "denied any unity to mankind, insisting on immutable, hereditary, and timeless differences in racial character, principal amongst which was the 'very great' difference in 'intellectual capacity.'" For Crawfurd, the races had been created separately and were different species. Since Crawfurd was Scottish, he thought the Scottish "race" superior and all others inferior; whilst Hunt, on the other hand, believed in the supremacy of the Anglo-Saxon ‘race’. Crawfurd and Hunt routinely accused those who disagreed with them of believing in ‘Rousseau’s Noble Savage’ (the pair ultimately quarreled because Hunt believed in slavery and Crawfurd did not). "As Ter Ellingson demonstrates, Crawfurd was responsible for re-introducing the Pre-Rousseauian concept of ‘the Noble Savage’ to modern anthropology, attributing it wrongly and quite deliberately to Rousseau.’91
In 1919, Irving Babbitt, founder of a movement called the "New Humanism", wrote a critique of what he called "sentimental humanitarianism", for which he blamed Rousseau.92 Babbitt's depiction of Rousseau was countered in a celebrated and much reprinted essay by A. O. Lovejoy in 1923.93page needed In France, fascist theorist Charles Maurras, founder of Action Française, ‘had no compunctions in laying the blame for both Romantisme et Révolution firmly on Rousseau in 1922.’94
During the Cold War, Rousseau was criticized for his association with nationalism and its attendant abuses, for example in Talmon, JL (1952), The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy.h This came to be known among scholars as the ‘totalitarian thesis’. Political scientist JS Maloy states that ‘the twentieth century added Nazism and Stalinism to Jacobinism on the list of horrors for which Rousseau could be blamed. […] Rousseau was considered to have advocated just the sort of invasive tampering with human nature which the totalitarian regimes of mid-century had tried to instantiate.’ But he adds that ‘The totalitarian thesis in Rousseau studies has, by now, been discredited as an attribution of real historical influence.’95
Arthur Melzer, however, while conceding that Rousseau would not have approved of modern nationalism, observes that his theories do contain the "seeds of nationalism", insofar as they set forth the "politics of identification", which are rooted in sympathetic emotion. Melzer also believes that in admitting that people’s talents are unequal, Rousseau therefore tacitly condones the tyranny of the few over the many.96 Others counter, however, that Rousseau was concerned with the concept of equality under the law, not equality of talents.citation needed For Stephen T. Engel, on the other hand, Rousseau's nationalism anticipated modern theories of "imagined communities" that transcend social and religious divisions within states.97
On similar grounds, one of Rousseau's strongest critics during the second half of the 20th century was political philosopher Hannah Arendt. Using Rousseau's thought as an example, Arendt identified the notion of sovereignty with that of the general will. According to her, it was this desire to establish a single, unified will based on the stifling of opinion in favor of public passion that contributed to the excesses of the French Revolution.98
The book Rousseau and Revolution, by Will Durant, begins with the following words about Rousseau:
How did it come about that a man born poor, losing his mother at birth and soon deserted by his father, afflicted with a painful and humiliating disease, left to wander for twelve years among alien cities and conflicting faiths, repudiated by society and civilization, repudiating Voltaire, Diderot, the Encyclopédie and the Age of Reason, driven from place to place as a dangerous rebel, suspected of crime and insanity, and seeing, in his last months, the apotheosis of his greatest enemy--how did it come about that this man, after his death, triumphed over Voltaire, revived religion, transformed education, elevated the morals of France, inspired the Romantic movement and the French Revolution, influenced the philosophy of Kant and Schopenhauer, the plays of Schiller, the novels of Goethe, the poems of Wordsworth, Byron, and Shelly, the socialism of Marx, the ethics of Tolstoi, and, altogether, had more effect upon posterity than any other writer or thinker of that eighteenth century in which writers were more influential than they had ever been before?99
The German writers Goethe, Schiller, and Herder have stated that Rousseau's writings inspired them. Herder regarded Rousseau to be his "guide", and Schiller compared Rousseau to Socrates. Goethe, in 1787, stated:
The elegance of Rousseau's writing is held to have inspired a significant transformation in French poetry and drama—freeing them from rigid literary norms. Other writers who were influenced by Rousseau's writings included Leopardi in Italy; Pushkin and Tolstoy in Russia; Wordsworth, Southey, Coleridge, Byron, Shelly, and Keats in England; and Hawthorne and Thoreau in America. According to Tolstoy:
At fifteen I carried around my neck, instead of the usual cross, a medallion with Rousseau's portrait.101
Rousseau's Discourse on the Arts and Sciences, emphasizing individualism and repudiating "civilization", was appreciated by, among others, Thomas Paine, William Godwin, P.B. Shelly,Tolstoy, and Edward Carpenter.101
- Dissertation sur la musique moderne, 1736
- Discourse on the Arts and Sciences (Discours sur les sciences et les arts), 1750
- Narcissus, or The Self-Admirer: A Comedy, 1752
- Le devin du village: an opera, 1752, PDF (21.7 MB)
- Discourse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men (Discours sur l'origine et les fondements de l'inégalité parmi les hommes), 1754
- Discourse on Political Economy, 1755
- Letter to M. D'Alembert on Spectacles, 1758 (Lettre à d'Alembert sur les spectacles)
- Julie, or the New Heloise (Julie, ou la nouvelle Héloïse), 1761
- Emile, or On Education (Émile, ou de l'éducation), 1762
- The Creed of a Savoyard Priest, 1762 (in Émile)
- The Social Contract, or Principles of Political Right (Du contrat social), 1762
- Four Letters to M. de Malesherbes, 1762
- Pygmalion: a Lyric Scene, 1762
- Letters Written from the Mountain, 1764 (Lettres de la montagne)
- Confessions of Jean-Jacques Rousseau (Les Confessions), 1770, published 1782
- Constitutional Project for Corsica, 1772
- Considerations on the Government of Poland, 1772
- Essay on the Origin of Languages, published 1781 (Essai sur l'origine des langues)
- Reveries of a Solitary Walker, incomplete, published 1782 (Rêveries du promeneur solitaire)
- Dialogues: Rousseau Judge of Jean-Jacques, published 1782
- Basic Political Writings, trans. Donald A. Cress. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 1987.
- Collected Writings, ed. Roger Masters and Christopher Kelly, Dartmouth: University Press of New England, 1990–2010, 13 vols.
- The Confessions, trans. Angela Scholar. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.
- Emile, or On Education, trans. with an introd. by Allan Bloom, New York: Basic Books, 1979.
- "On the Origin of Language", trans. John H. Moran. In On the Origin of Language: Two Essays. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986.
- Reveries of a Solitary Walker, trans. Peter France. London: Penguin Books, 1980.
- 'The Discourses' and Other Early Political Writings, trans. Victor Gourevitch. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.
- 'The Social Contract' and Other Later Political Writings, trans. Victor Gourevitch. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.
- 'The Social Contract, trans. Maurice Cranston. Penguin: Penguin Classics Various Editions, 1968–2007.
- The Political writings of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, edited from the original MCS and authentic editions with introduction and notes by C.E.Vaughan, Blackwell, Oxford, 1962. (In French but the introduction and notes are in English).
- Works by Jean-Jacques Rousseau at Project Gutenberg
- Works by or about Jean-Jacques Rousseau at Internet Archive
- Works by Jean-Jacques Rousseau at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
- A Discourse on the Moral Effects of the Arts and Sciences English translation
- Confessions of Jean-Jacques Rousseau English translation, as published by Project Gutenberg, 2004 [EBook #3913]
- Considerations on the Government of Poland English translation
- Constitutional Project for Corsica English translation
- Discourse on Political Economy English translation
- Discourse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men English translation
- The Social Contract, Or Principles of Political Right English translation
- PDF (4.23 MB) English translation
- Emile French text and English translation (Grace G. Roosevelt's revision and correction of Barbara Foxley's Everyman translation, at Columbia)
- Full Ebooks of Rousseau in French on the website 'La philosophie'
- Mondo Politico Library's presentation of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's book, The Social Contract (G.D.H. Cole translation; full text)
- Narcissus, or The Self-Admirer: A Comedy English translation
- Project Concerning New Symbols for Music at the Wayback Machine (archived December 20, 2008) French text and English translation, archived from the original on 2008-12-20
- The Creed of a Savoyard Priest English translation
- (French) Texts of J.-J. Rousseau and biography at athena.unige.ch
- (French) Full Text of J.-J. Rousseau
- Georges Hébert, a physical culturist influenced by Rousseau's teachings
- Let them eat cake, a saying of Rousseau's
- Rousseau Institute
- Rousseau's educational philosophy
- Schutterij - civil militia
- Rousseau's biographer Leo Damrosch believes that the authorities chose to condemn him on religious rather than political grounds for tactical reasons.5page needed
- Some writers still use the term ‘noble savage’ in describing race relations in New France, for example Garraway, Doris, The Libertine Colonypage needed, Peabody, Sue, There are No Slaves in Francepage needed, Dubois, Laurent, The Avengers of the New Worldpage needed, and Miller, Christopher, The French Atlantic Trianglepage needed; for information about the relationship between the French and English colonial contexts, see Festa, Lynn, Sentimental Figures of Empirepage needed.
- In locating the basis of ethics in emotions rather than reason Rousseau agreed with Smith, Adam (1759), Theory of Moral Sentimentspage needed.
- Robespierre and Saint-Just’s conception of L’intérêt général, or the will of the people, was derived from Rousseau’s ’general will’, and they considered themselves ‘highly principled republicans, charged with stripping away what was superfluous and corrupt, inspired above all by Rousseau’.79
- In the eighteenth century, Sparta was generally identified with classical republicanism. For Rousseau and Sparta see Shklar, Judith N, Men and Citizens: A Study of Rousseau's Social Theory, p. 12. For role of Sparta during the Enlightenment see Gay, Peter (1971), The Party of Humanity, New York: WW Norton, pp. 242–44 and "one", The Enlightenment: An Interpretation : the Rise of Modern Paganism, New York: WW Norton, 1977 .
- A case for Rousseau as an enemy of the Enlightenment is made in Garrard, Graeme (2003), Rousseau's Counter-Enlightenment: A Republican Critique of the Philosophes, Albany: SUNY Press.
- Cooper was a follower of Tom Paine, who in turn was an admirer of Rousseau. For the classical origins of American ideals of liberty, see also Sibi Imperiosus: Cooper’s Horatian Ideal of Self-Governance in The Deerslayer, Villa Julie College, July 2005.
- Talmon's thesis is rebutted by Leigh, Ralph A (1963), "Liberté et autorité dans le Contrat Social", Jean-Jacques Rousseau et son oeuvre Jean-Jacques Rousseau & his work (in French), Paris. Another tenacious proponent of the totalitarian thesis was Crocker, Lester C (1968), Rousseau's Social Contract, An interpretive Essay, Cleveland: Case Western Reserve Press. Two reviews of the debate are: Chapman, JW (1968), AMS Press, New York and Fralin, Richard (1978), Rousseau and Representation, NY: Columbia University Press.
- Letter written by Horace Walpole to H.S. Conway, dated January 12, 1766: My present fame is owing to a very trifling composition, but which has made incredible noise. I was one evening at Mme Geoffrin's joking on Rousseau's affectations and contradictions, and said some things that diverted them. When I came home I put them in a letter, and showed it next day to Helvetius and the Duc de Nivernois; who were so pleased with it that, after telling me some faults in the language,...they encouraged me to let it be seen. As you know, I willingly laugh at mountebanks, political or literary, let their talents be ever so great; I was not averse. The copies have spread like wildfire, et me voice a la mode [and behold, I am in fashion]...Here is the letter: The King of Prussia to M.Rousseau: My dear Jean Jacques: You have renounced Geneva, your fatherland; you have had yourself chased from Switzerland, a country so much praised in your writings; France has issued a warrant against you. Come, then, to me; I admire your talents; I am amused by your dreams, which (be it said in passing) occupy you too much and too long. You must at last be wise and happy. You have had yourself talked of enough for peculiarities hardly fitting to a truly great man. Show your enemies that you can sometimes have common sense; this will annoy them without doing you harm. My states offer you a peaceful retreat; I wish you well, and would like to help you if you can find it good. But if you continue to reject my aid, be assured that I shall tell no one. If you persist in racking your brains to find new misfortunes, choose such as you may desire; I am king, and can procure any to suit your wishes; and--what surely will never happen to you among your enemies--I shall cease to persecute you when you cease to find your glory in being persecuted. Your good friend, Frederick31
- Webster, "Rousseau", Unabridged Dictionary, Random House.
- "Preromanticism Criticism". Enotes. Retrieved 23 February 2009.
- Darnton, Robert, "6. Readers Respond to Rousseau: The Fabrication of Romantic Sensitivity", The Great Cat Massacre for some interesting examples of contemporary reactions to this novel.
- Green, Edward (2007), "Reconsidering Rousseau’s ’Le devin du village’: An Opera of Surprising and Valuable Paradox" (PDF), Ars Lyrica (Ed Green music) 16: 132, retrieved 17 July 2014.
- Damrosch 2005.
- Damrosch 2005, p. 31.
- Damrosch 2005, p. 24.
- Damrosch 2005, p. 121.
- Damrosch 2005, p. 168: the count was "a virtual parody of a parasitic aristocrat, incredibly stupid, irascible, and swollen with self importance." He spoke no Italian, a language in which Rousseau was fluent. Although Rousseau did most of the work of the embassy, he was treated like a valet.
- Some of Rousseau's contemporaries believed the babies were not his. George Sand has written an essai, "Les Charmettes" (1865. Printed in the same volume as "Laura" from the same year) in which she explains why Rousseau may have accused himself falsely. She quotes her grandmother, in whose family Rousseau had been a tutor, and who stated that Rousseau could not get children.
- Rousseau in his musical articles in the Encyclopédie engaged in lively controversy with other musicians, e.g. with Rameau, as in his article on Temperament, for which see Encyclopédie: Tempérament (English translation), also Temperament Ordinaire.
- Damrosch 2005, p. 304.
- Damrosch 2005, p. 357.
- Rosenblatt, Helena (1997). Rousseau and Geneva: from the first discourse to the social contract, 1749–1762. Cambridge University Press. pp. 264–5. ISBN 0-521-57004-2.
- "Protestantism in Geneva". Blackwood's magazine 51: 165. 1842.
- Peter Gay, The Enlightenment, The Science of Freedom, p. 72.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. pp. 190–1.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. p. 191.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. p. 192.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. p. 205.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. pp. 205–6.
- Leo Damrosch (2005). Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Restless Genius. Houghton Mifflin. pp. 392–3.
- Maurice Cranston (2005). The Solitary Self:Jean-Jacques Rousseau in Exile and Adversity. University of Chicago Press. p. 113.
- Leo Damrosch (2005). Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Restless Genius. Houghton Mifflin. pp. 394–5.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. p. 206.
- Leo Damrosch (2005). Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Restless Genius. Houghton Mifflin. p. 395.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. pp. 206–7.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. p. 207.
- Leo Damrosch (2005). Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Restless Genius. Houghton Mifflin. pp. 404–5.
- Leo Damrosch (2005). Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Restless Genius. Houghton Mifflin. p. 406.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. p. 208.
- Leo Damrosch (2005). Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Restless Genius. Houghton Mifflin. pp. 420–1.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. p. 208.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. pp. 208–9.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. p. 209.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. pp. 213–14.
- Leo Damrosch (2005). Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Restless Genius. Houghton Mifflin. pp. 406–7.
- Leo Damrosch (2005). Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Restless Genius. Houghton Mifflin. pp. 408–9.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. pp. 209–10.
- Leo Damrosch (2005). Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Restless Genius. Houghton Mifflin. p. 409.
- Leo Damrosch (2005). Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Restless Genius. Houghton Mifflin. p. 410.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. p. 210.
- Leo Damrosch (2005). Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Restless Genius. Houghton Mifflin. p. 411.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. p. 211.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. pp. 211–12.
- Leo Damrosch (2005). Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Restless Genius. Houghton Mifflin. p. 412.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. p. 212.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon & Schuster. pp. 212–13.
- Leo Damrosch (2005). Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Restless Genius. Houghton Mifflin. p. 421.
- Damrosch 2007, p. 473.
- Espace Rousseau, CH.
- Rousseau, pp. 72–73.
- Rousseau 1754, p. 78.
- Rousseau, Jean-Jacques (1754), "Discourse on the Origin of Inequality, part two", The Basic Political Writings, Hackett, p. 64.
- Rousseau 1754, p. 65.
- "Rousseau’s ‘General Will’ & well-ordered society". Québecois libre.
- An early recorded use in French language of a specific expression explicitly associating the words 'savage' and 'noble' is Lescarbot, Marc (1609), "Sauvages sont vrayement nobles", Histoire de la Nouvelle France History of the New France (in French), p. 786,
…revenons à notre Nouvelle-France, ou les hommes sont plus humains et ne vivent que de ce que Dieu a donné à l'homme, sans devorer leurs semblables. Aussi faut-il dire d'eux qu'ils sont vrayment Nobles…’.
- Lovejoy, Arthur Oncken (1960) [1923, 1948], Essays in the History of Ideas, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press
- Einaudi, Mario (1967), The Early Rousseau, Cornell University Press, p. 5,
Arthur Lovejoy's crucial role in dispelling the myth cultivated with such care by many eighteenth-century philosophes.
- For a history of how the phrase became associated with Rousseau, Ellingson, Ter (2001), The Myth of the Noble Savage, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
- Babbitt, #Legacy: Criticisms of Rousseau.
- Miner, Earl (1972), "The Wild Man Through the Looking Glass", in Dudley, Edward; Novak, Maximillian E, The Wild Man Within: An Image in Western Thought from the Renaissance to Romanticism, University of Pittsburgh Press, p. 106.
- Ellingson 2001, pp. 8 and passim.
- Gay, Peter (April–May 2009), "Breeding is Fundamental", Book Forum,
As far as the noble savage is concerned, that phrase is from Dryden and does not appear in Rousseau's writings. In the years I taught the history of political theory at Columbia to a sizable class of undergraduates, I would offer students a hundred dollars if they could find ‘Noble Savage’ anywhere in Rousseau. I never had to pay up
- Einspahr, Jennifer. "The Beginning that Never Was: Mediation and Freedom in Rousseau's Political Thought". Review of Politics 72 (3): 437–61. doi:10.1017/S0034670510000318. Retrieved March 5, 2015.
- Rousseau, "Book I, Chapter 8", Social Contract, Constitution.
- "The Abolition of The Slave Trade". Abolitionism. NYPL.
- Entry, "Rousseau" in the Routelege Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward Craig, editor, Volume Eight, p. 371
- Jordan, Michael. "Famous Locksmiths". American Chronicle. Retrieved 14 July 2010.
- Wollstonecraft, Mary (2004) . "V". In Brody, Miriam. A Vindication of the Rights of Woman. Penguin. ISBN 978-0-14-144125-2.
- Tuana, Nancy (1993). The Less Noble Sex: Scientific, Religious and Philosophical Conceptions of Women's Nature. Indiana University Press. p. 161. ISBN 0-253-36098-6.
- Rousseau, "book V", Emile, p. 359.
- Damrosch, pp. 341–42.
- Marmontel, Jean François (1826). Memoirs of Marmontel, written by himself: containing his literary and political life, and anecdotes of the principal characters of the eighteenth century. Whittaker via Google Books. pp. 125–26.
- Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Encyclopædia Britannica
- il n'y a point de perversité originelle dans le cœur humain Émile, ou De l'éducation/Édition 1852/Livre II
- The full text of the letter is available online only in the French original: Lettre à Mgr De Beaumont Archevêque de Paris (1762) at the Wayback Machine (archived July 4, 2007)
- Israel, Jonathan I (2002), Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, Oxford University Press, p. 274.
- Israel 2002, p. 717.
- Burke, Edmund. "A letter to a member of the National Assembly, 1791". Ourcivilisation.com. Retrieved 23 February 2009.
- Schachner, Nathan (1957), Thomas Jefferson: A Biography, p. 47,
Rousseau, whose romantic and egalitarian tenets had practically no influence on the course of Jefferson’s, or indeed any American, thought.. Jefferson never mentioned Rousseau in any of his writings, but made frequent references to Locke. On the other hand, he did have a well-thumbed copy of Rousseau’s work in his librarycitation needed.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. pp. 890–1.
- Rollins, Richard (1980), "2", The Long Journey of Noah Webster.
- Temmer, Mark J (1961), "Rousseau and Thoreau", Yale French Studies (28: Jean-Jacques Rousseau): 112–21.
- "War of The Triple Alliance", War of the Pacific, retrieved 14 November 2010.
- Kingsley Martin, French Liberal Thought in the Eighteenth Century  quoted in Nicholas Dent, Rousseau in series The Routledge Philosophers (London and New York: Routledge, 2005), p. 20.
- From Dawn to Decadence: 500 Years of Western Cultural Life: 1500 to the Present (Harper Collins, 2001), p. 384
- Jacques Barzun, From Dawn to Decadence (2001) p. 384
- Historical & literary memoirs and anecdotes by Friedrich Melchior Grimm (Freiherr von), Denis Diderot, p. 353. 
- See Ter Ellingson, The Myth of the Noble Savage, 2001.
- "John Crawfurd—‘two separate races’". AU: ANU. Retrieved 23 February 2009.
- Rousseau and Romanticism, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1919.
- Lovejoy 1948.
- Harvey, R Simon (1980), Reappraisals of Rousseau: studies in honor of R. A. Leigh, Manchester University press,
and mere concern for the facts has not inhibited others from doing likewise. Irving Babbitt's Rousseau & Romanticism still remains the only general work on this subject though printed as long ago as 1919, but it is grossly inaccurate, discursive and biased.
- Maloy, JS (2005), "The Very Order of Things: Rousseau's Tutorial Republicanism", Polity 37.
- Melzer, Arthur (2000), "Rousseau, Nationalism, and the Politics of Sympathetic Identification", in Kristol, Mark; Blitz, William, Educating the Prince: Essays in Honor of Harvey C. Mansfield, Rowman & Littlefield.
- "Rousseau and Imagined Communities", The Review of Politics 67 (3), Summer 2005: 515–37.
- Arendt, Hannah (1990), On revolution, p. 76.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon&Schuster. p. 3.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon&Schuster. p. 889.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. Simon&Schuster. p. 891.
- Will Durant (1967). The Story of Civilization Volume 10:Rousseau and Revolution. pp. 190–191.
- Abizadeh, Arash (2001), "Banishing the Particular: Rousseau on Rhetoric, Patrie, and the Passions", Political Theory 29 (4): 556–82.
- Babbitt, Irving (1991) , Rousseau and Romanticism, Library of Conservative Thought, Edison, NJ: Transaction.
- Bertram, Christopher (2003), Rousseau and The Social Contract, London: Routledge.
- Cassirer, Ernst (1945), Rousseau, Kant, Goethe, Princeton University Press.
- ——— (1989) , Gay, Peter, ed., The Question of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Series editor, Jacques Barzun, Yale University Press.
- Conrad, Felicity (2008), "Rousseau Gets Spanked, or, Chomsky's Revenge", The Journal of POLI 433 1 (1): 1–24.
- Cooper, Laurence (1999). Rousseau, Nature and the Problem of the Good Life. Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press.
- Cottret, Monique; Cottret, Bernard (2005), Jean-Jacques Rousseau en son temps John James Rousseau in his times (in French), Paris: Perrin.
- Cranston, Maurice (1982). Jean-Jacques: The Early Life and Work. New York: Norton.
- ——— (1991), The Noble Savage, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
- ——— (1997), The Solitary Self, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
- Damrosch, Leo (2005), Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Restless Genius, New York: Houghton Mifflin.
- Dent, Nicholas J. H. (1988). Rousseau : An Introduction to his Psychological, Social, and Political Theory. Oxford: Blackwell.
- ——— (1992), A Rousseau Dictionary, Oxford: Blackwell.
- ——— (2005), Rousseau, London: Routledge.
- Derathé, Robert (1948). Le Rationalism de J.-J. Rousseau. Press Universitaires de France.
- Derathé, Robert (1988) , Jean-Jacques Rousseau et la Science Politique de Son Temps John James Rousseau and the Political Science of his times (in French), Paris: Vrin.
- Derrida, Jacques (1976). Of Grammatology, trans. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press.
- Einaudi, Mario (1968). Early Rousseau. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
- Ellingson, Ter (2001). The Myth of the Noble Savage. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
- Farrell, John (2006). Paranoia and Modernity: Cervantes to Rousseau. New York: Cornell University Press.
- Faÿ, Bernard (1974), Jean-Jacques Rousseau ou le Rêve de la vie John James Rousseau or the Dream of life (in French), Paris: Perrin.
- Garrard, Graeme (2003). Rousseau's Counter-Enlightenment: A Republican Critique of the Philosophes. Albany: State University of New York Press.
- Gauthier, David (2006). Rousseau: The Sentiment of Existence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
- Hendel, Charles W. (1934). Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Moralist. 2 Vols. (1934) Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs Merrill.
- Israel, Jonathan I., Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, (Oxford University Press, 2002).
- de Jouvenel, Bertrand (1962). "Rousseau the Pessimistic Evolutionist." Yale French studies 27 83–96
- Kateb, George (1961). "Aspects of Rousseau's Political Thought", Political Science Quarterly, December 1961.
- Kitsikis, Dimitri (2006).Jean-Jacques Rousseau et les origines françaises du fascisme. Nantes: Ars Magna Editions.
- LaFreniere, Gilbert F. (1990). "Rousseau and the European Roots of Environmentalism." Environmental History Review 14 (No. 4): 41–72
- Lange, Lynda (2002). Feminist Interpretations of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. University Park: Penn State University Press.
- Lovejoy, Arthur O. ( 1948). "The Supposed Primitivism of Rousseau's 'Discourse on Inequality'". Modern Philology: XXI: 165–186. Reprinted in Essays in the History of Ideas (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press). "A classic treatment of the Second Discourse"—Nicholas Dent.
- Maguire, Matthew (2006). The Conversion of the Imagination: from Pascal through Rousseau to Tocqueville. Harvard University Press.
- Marks, Jonathan (2005). Perfection and Disharmony in the Thought of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
- Roger Masters (ed.), 1964. The First and Second Discourses by Jean-Jacques Rousseau, translated by Roger D Masters and Judith R Masters. New York: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-312-69440-7
- Roger Masters, 1968. The Political Philosophy of Rousseau. Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press (ISBN 978-0-691-01989-5), also available in French (ISBN 2-84788-000-3).
- McCarthy, Vincent A (2009), "Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Presence and Absence", in Stewart, Kierkegaard and the Renaissance and Modern Traditions editor-first = Jon, Farnham: Ashgate, ISBN 978-0-7546-6818-3.
- Melzer, Arthur (1990). The Natural Goodness of Man: On the System of Rousseau’s Thought. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
- Pateman, Carole (1979). The Problem of Political Obligation: A Critical Analysis of Liberal Theory. Chichester: John Wiley & Sons.
- Riley, Patrick (1970), "A Possible Explanation of the General Will", American Political Science Review 64: 88.
- ——— (1978), "General Will Before Rousseau", Political Theory 6 (4): 485–516.
- Riley, Patrick (ed.) (2001). The Cambridge Companion to Rousseau. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
- Robinson, Dave & Groves, Judy (2003). Introducing Political Philosophy. Icon Books. ISBN 1-84046-450-X.
- Rousseau, Jean-Jacques (1978), Masters, Roger, ed., On the Social Contract, with the Geneva Manuscript and Political Economy, translated by Judith R Masters, New York: St Martin’s Press, ISBN 0-312-69446-6.
- Scott, John T, ed. (2006), Jean Jacques Rousseau, 3: Critical Assessments of Leading Political Philosophers, New York: Routledge.
- Schaeffer, Denise. (2014) Rousseau on Education, Freedom, and Judgment. Pennsylvania State University Press.
- Simpson, Matthew (2006). Rousseau’s Theory of Freedom. London: Continuum Books.
- ——— (2007), Rousseau: Guide for the Perplexed, London: Continuum Books.
- Starobinski, Jean (1988). Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Transparency and Obstruction. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
- Strauss, Leo (1953). Natural Right and History. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, chap. 6A.
- Strauss, Leo (1947), "On the Intention of Rousseau", Social Research 14: 455–87.
- Strong, Tracy B. (2002). Jean Jacques Rousseau and the Politics of the Ordinary. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.
- Talmon, Jacob R. (1952). The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy. New York: W. W. Norton.
- Virioli, Maurizio (2003) , Jean-Jacques Rousseau and the ‘Well-Ordered Society’, Hanson, Derek, translator, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-53138-2.
- Williams, David Lay (2007). Rousseau's Platonic Enlightenment. Pennsylvania State University Press.
- ——— (2014), Rousseau’s ‘Social Contract’: An Introduction, Cambridge University Press.
- Wokler, Robert. (1995). Rousseau. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- Wokler, Robert (2012), Garsten, Bryan, ed., Rousseau, the Age of Enlightenment, and Their Legacies, introduction by Christopher Brooke.
- Wraight, Christopher D. (2008), Rousseau's The Social Contract: A Reader's Guide. London: Continuum Books.
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- Jean-Jacques Rousseau at Encyclopædia Britannica
- Jean-Jacques Rousseau entry in the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy
- Jean Jacques Rousseau entry in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
- Publications by and about Jean-Jacques Rousseau in the catalogue Helveticat of the Swiss National Library
- Encyclopædia Britannica (online ed.).
- Lane, Professor Melissa, Philosophy Bites (audio) (lecture), Princeton University.
- O'Hogan, Professor Timothy, Science Live (audio) (lecture), Oxford University.
- Free scores by Jean-Jacques Rousseau at the International Music Score Library Project
- Rousseau, John James, The Social Contract, Early modern texts, slightly modified for easier reading.
- ———, His work (audio) (in French)
- Anne Davier (2005). "Jean-Jacques Rousseau". In Andreas Kotte. Theaterlexikon der Schweiz (TLS) / Dictionnaire du théâtre en Suisse (DTS) / Dizionario Teatrale Svizzero / Lexicon da teater svizzer Theater Dictionary of Switzerland (in French) 3. Zürich: Chronos. p. 1078. ISBN 978-3-0340-0715-3. LCCN 2007423414. OCLC 62309181.
- Rousseau Association Association Rousseau (a bilingual association) (in French) devoted to the study of Rousseau's life and works
- Works by Jean-Jacques Rousseau at Project Gutenberg
- Works by or about Jean-Jacques Rousseau at Internet Archive
- Works by Jean-Jacques Rousseau at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)